Four Democrats vie for Jeb Bradley's seat in the House. Only one can make it past the primary. Who will it be?

In a shoebox of a basketball court in the community center of the Somersworth Housing Authority, 30 or 40 people mill around, chatting and snacking on complimentary crackers, cheese and fruit. An industrial fan built into the wall high overhead does little to relieve the thick July heat and humidity. The only thing circulating through the crowd are politicians, a tanned woman with bobbed hair and a turquoise business suit and a middle-aged man with a high forehead wearing khakis, a sport coat and a tie. The former is Carol Shea-Porter, chair of the Rochester Democrats. The latter is Jim Craig, four-term state representative from Manchester and the Democratic leader in the State House. Both are running for Congress in New Hampshire’s First District, planning to unseat incumbent Republican Jeb Bradley in November. Each is making sure to speak casually and sincerely with those they know and shaking hands with new acquaintances. Craig, whom I interviewed the previous day, comes over to say hello. “Glutton for punishment or working?” he asks me. I tell him I’m working, and he’s called off by someone across the room.

A tall man wearing a sport coat, American flag lapel pin and black Velcro-fastened walking sneakers, his hair flopped to the left, limps in. It’s Gary Dodds, the Rye businessman who has been caught up in a state investigation following his April car crash and subsequent 27-hour disappearance. Found in the woods, covered in leaves for warmth, unable to walk due to frostbite on his feet, his memory of the past day gone, Dodds says he crashed into a guardrail on the Spaulding Turnpike in Dover, stumbled from his car, and swam across the Bellamy River. Questions were raised when certain details of his story didn’t match up with collected evidence. There was also the issue of some unanswered campaign finance complaints from the Federal Election Committee, casting doubt on the nature of Dodds’ disappearance. More than three months later, the investigation is ongoing. Dodds has straightened out his financing affairs, having paid a $1,050 fine, and re-entered the race with vigor, his slight limp and the loose sneakers the only noticeable reminder of his strange ordeal.

Bob Bruce, a Democratic candidate for the governor’s Executive Council, is the moderator for the evening’s candidates’ forum, sponsored by the Somersworth Democratic Committee. Bruce informs the candidates it’s almost time to start. The fourth Democratic candidate, newcomer Dave Jarvis, a telecommunications engineer from Londonderry with no money and less experience, is a no-show. A photographer from the Associated Press is disappointed; she was supposed to get pictures of the camera-shy Jarvis at the forum. “No one’s ever seen him,” says a reporter from another paper. Jarvis hasn’t posted any pictures of himself on his campaign Web site, saying at one point that he’d rather keep some of his privacy, although he updates his site fairly frequently, and this comment has since been removed.

“You pose as Jarvis, and I’ll take a picture of you,” the reporter says to the photographer, and they both laugh.

Craig, Shea-Porter and Dodds sit down at a folding table positioned within the key, underneath one of the baskets. A standing fan blows steadily on them from one end of the table. Bruce thanks the audience and the candidates for attending. “I wouldn’t want to be Jeb Bradley at this point,” he says, and there’s polite applause from the audience.

He begins introducing the candidates, and Jarvis walks in, wearing white chinos and a dark navy polo shirt. Jarvis is the youngest of the candidates, and he seems, at times, younger than his 37 years. He takes a seat at the end of the table, and Bruce holds the microphone away as he speaks quietly with Jarvis. After Bruce explains the evening’s format, he passes off the microphone to the candidates to make their opening statements, first to Jarvis, who declines the opportunity to speak first, then to Shea-Porter, who describes herself as a concerned mother, citizen and social worker who’s running for “the bottom 99 percent of us.” Craig is a New Hampshire man, born and bred, and, with his eight years in the State House, the only candidate who has actually done the things they all talk about, as he puts it. Dodds grew up in a single-parent household in Portsmouth, where his family lived paycheck to paycheck, and he believes in community and making the opportunities with which he feels so blessed available to others. Jarvis, reading from a typed statement, says he is running for his 10-month-old son and for all of us, because we deserve better than apathy.

Then they talk about the issues: Lebanon and Israel, stem-cell research, slave labor, Iraq. When the session is turned over to the audience—mostly middle-aged and older, with a few young children in tow—the candidates are asked what they’ll do for the people of New Hampshire; what they’ll do to help labor unions and raise the minimum wage; have they seen “An Inconvenient Truth” (they haven’t) and what will they do to stop global warming; and about campaign financing and the recently filed FEC quarterly reports.

The engaged audience is more attuned than most voters to the question of campaign financing. With a mere 15 seats between Democrats and control of Congress, the national party has singled out New Hampshire’s First District as among the particular races they feel they can win. Locally, that’s led to concern that outside influence and early endorsements will unfairly take away the people’s right to choose a candidate for themselves. For a candidate to accept money from anyone other than New Hampshire voter is like a smear on his or her image, tarnishing their perceived commitment to the people they strive to represent and raising the question of their loyalties.

Shea-Porter proudly tells the crowd that roughly 99.999 percent of her campaign funds came from individuals in New Hampshire (she says a friend of hers in Maryland sent her a check). “When you get to Washington,” she says, “you don’t want anyone knocking on your door saying, ‘Remember me?’”

Then Craig steps up. “My daddy taught me, when you go into a gunfight, you better bring a gun,” Craig says, justifying his deep pockets. If money is dirty, then Craig, endorsed by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and the recipient of funding from various Democratic and union political action committees, seems the dirtiest in some eyes. Craig estimates that roughly 20 percent of his campaign funds have come from out of state, and admits that he has raised more money than the other Democratic candidates combined. Craig’s campaign has raised $261,914.84, more than twice as much as Dodds, and almost 10 times as much as Shea-Porter. Jarvis has no official campaign and has not filed an FEC report.

Dodds admits that he’s lucky to be able to be his own largest campaign contributor, and denounces the issue of campaign finance corruption. “It’s the system that’s broken,” he says. “We need to get the money out of politics, but you need money to get into politics.”

When the questions are over, the candidates go off to shake more hands and chat up the crowd. With less than two months until the Democratic primary on Sept. 12, the time has come to throw their campaigns into high gear.
“One of these people is going to beat Jeb Bradley in November,” Bob Bruce said at the beginning of the night when introducing the candidates.

Jeb Bradley served for 12 years in the New Hampshire Legislature before moving to Washington. In his two terms as a U.S. Congressman, the Wolfeboro resident has been labeled a “rubber stamp voter” by his critics, who say he too often votes with the Bush administration rather than for the people of New Hampshire. His record includes support of a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage; a vote against the Endangered Species Reauthorization Bill; consistent votes to increase military spending; votes against a number of energy policy reform bills; and co-sponsorship of the original Medicare Part D legislation, along with a vote against the importation of prescription drugs. Detractors say he’s consistently shown himself to be a friend of big business, especially big oil. In this quarter, Bradley’s re-election campaign received $2,000 from ExxonMobil Corp.

Democrats aren’t the only ones dissatisfied. Michael Callis, a stoneworker from Conway, is vying to unseat Bradley in the Republican primary (see sidebar), though oddsmakers would put the incumbent in the lead in that race by a wide margin.

Despite the strong criticism from state Democrats, Bradley’s approval rating remains high. According to the May Granite State Poll conducted by the University of New Hampshire, 49 percent of First District voters approve of Bradley’s performance, while only 17 percent disapprove.

For his part, Bradley points out that he has differed from the Bush administration on a number of issues, including his support of stem-cell research and his opposition to drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. He also cites his frequent town hall meetings throughout the district as evidence that he is in touch with his constituency and understands their concerns.

Still, a general dissatisfaction with the Bush administration gives Democrats a reason to hope that one of their own could unseat Bradley in November. According to the same Granite State poll, Bush’s approval rating in New Hampshire is down to 30 percent, while his disapproval rating is up to 64 percent. With these figures, state Democrats are confident they can win in the First District. New Hampshire’s two districts haven’t sent a Democrat to Congress since Dick Swett’s second term ended in 1995.

“I think (the First District) will be part of that national sweep,” says Kathleen Sullivan, chair of the New Hampshire Democratic Party. “George Bush is so very unpopular, and Bradley has been a very reliable vote for the Bush administration. He has not been an independent voice for New Hampshire.”

This isn’t the first time a New Hampshire Congressional race has been in the national spotlight. The 2002 Senate race between John Sununu and Gov. Jeane Shaheen was pivotal in the Republican takeover of Congress. The Republican-organized phone jamming that prevented Shaheen’s campaign from turning out voters and volunteer firefighters from offering rides to the polls has national ties that have yet to be fully untangled by investigators.
Anxious eyes watch the First District.

Jim Craig is talking to a group of eight senior citizens at St. Anne Nursing Home in Dover. Five aluminum walkers, their legs capped with tennis balls, are lined up in front of five of the seniors, all of whom have been listening to Craig with varying levels of interest. One woman looks attentively at Craig, nodding and occasionally saying, “Oh, yes,” to some comment he’s made, while a man on the left side of the room seems more interested in the carpet than Craig. Craig is speaking from the center of the room. He’s talking to them about Social Security, about Bush’s plans to privatize it.

“I’m worried,” he says. “You’re all set, but people my age and younger have to worry about it. It’s something we’ve come to rely on.” Then he reminds them of their civic responsibilities.

“If you still vote, it’s important you vote this year. ... We’re all in this together. ... We have the chance to turn the country around. ... We have to stop listening to the rich people. ... You have just as much power as I do. Until they lay us six feet under, we still have the power to vote.”

He finishes his presentation, and thanks the residents for listening. “Your being here shows me that you care about this country,” he says. He opens the floor for questions, and there is quiet. One of the attendants reminds Mary she had a question. Mary looks at the aide, and she reminds Mary again that she had a question, but louder this time.

Mary is worried about Social Security, too. She’s telling Craig how worried she is, and it’s hard to make the words out, because Mary has trouble forming them. Her mouth is slack. But Craig listens attentively.

“You work really hard,” Mary says, “and someone says, ‘Invest,’ and then you lose everything.”

Craig nods his head in understanding. He restates his opposition to Bush’s attempts to privatize Social Security.

“That’s a promise that was made to all of us, and when that promise is broken, something’s wrong.”

No one has any other questions, so Craig shakes everyone’s hand, thanks them for coming, and the seniors leave the room. Craig stays for a few minutes, talking with a reporter about his stance on health care and, particularly, the problems caused by Medicare Part D, the new federal plan for prescription drug assistance. Craig says we need to start importing prescription drugs, and that opposition in Washington is proof that the current administration—Bush, Bradley and the rest—bows to the interest of the pharmaceutical industry rather than serving voters.

Craig, married for 32 years to his high school sweetheart, Sharon, with whom he’s raised two children, has represented the people of Manchester for eight years in the state’s 400-member House of Representatives. Dissatisfied with the way things are going in Washington, he decided to try to bring his experience in Concord to Capitol Hill. He says his top two priorities are doing away with the Washington culture of corruption and eliminating the deficit. He points out that when John Lynch was elected governor, New Hampshire had a $300,000 deficit, which the state is no longer saddled with. “I’ve been doing it,” Craig says of his experience. “And I can keep on doing it.” That’s the message he’s bringing to voters, whether at organized forums, public appearances like the one at St. Anne’s, or from his recently opened Manchester campaign headquarters. “I’m on the phone a lot,” he says, “talking about myself, about my record. It’s a lot of hard work. It’s worth it when people come up and say, ‘I know you. I know you’ll do a good job.’”

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Commission seems to think so. They’ve chosen to endorse Craig. If Craig becomes part of their “Red to Blue” campaign—which is focused on electing a Democratic candidate in a currently Republican district—he could receive up to $500,000, which would come in handy if he runs against Bradley, who has already raised $678,349.66 this election cycle. The Red to Blue campaign aims to give  “proven candidates the edge they need” to defeat their Republican opponents. If Craig wins the primary, it seems likely he will become part of this campaign, which has already raised $3.8 million for candidates across the country.
Craig says that, regardless of the DCCC’s endorsement, he is still focused on winning the primary and talking with as many voters as possible.

“Meeting people, talking to people. I’ve always liked that. It’s not about giving stump speeches. It’s always fun to sit down, talk with people and find out what’s bothering them. That’s how you grow.”

Carol Shea-Porter has been letting Jeb Bradley know what was bothering her for a long time. Before she ever thought to run for Congress, the chair of the Rochester Democrats followed Bradley to all of his town hall meetings, hounding him about issues like Social Security, health insurance, and our involvement in Iraq. When Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast, Shea-Porter, a one-time New Orleans resident, went to Louisiana to help. Returning to New Hampshire, she felt it was time to run.
“I could see the United States government had abandoned these people,” she says of New Orleans. “I hold Bradley responsible for that as well. There was no government there. There were great volunteers, but the federal government was missing. It frightened me. I knew I had to speak up, and I haven’t looked back.”

Shea-Porter has built her campaign from a groundswell of fervent supporters.

She has raised only $27,731, but isn’t deterred by her relative lack of financial support.“I always tell people, ‘Bring me 10 voters if you believe in the message,’” she says.

There are eight voters out on South Main Street in Rochester on a recent Wednesday night, holding Shea-Porter signs and waving at passing traffic, shouting thank-you’s at the cars that honked as they passed. Some of the sign-wavers, like Bob and Carol Perry, of Strafford, have known Shea-Porter for years. Some have only recently joined her campaign, like John Babcock, who first heard her speak at a forum in Milton in June. One of them is Shea-Porter’s daughter, Kathleen, who is also her press secretary. All adamantly believe she is the woman who can win the race and best represent the First District.

“She has the best message,” says Mark Mitchell, who met Shea-Porter at one of Bradley’s town hall meetings. “She knows all the issues. She has legitimate answers. And she doesn’t dodge anything.”

John Babcock’s son Nils stands by the curb, holding a sign almost as tall as himself. “Had enough? Vote Democrat,” reads the sign. A passing car honks, and the Shea-Porter supporters hoot and wave their hands, their placards held high. Whether the drivers want Shea-Porter, don’t want Bradley, or are just generally dissatisfied and frustrated is unclear. But it seems unimportant at the moment. It’s a response, and the Shea-Porter supporters will take it. They hoist the signs higher.

“In time, I will speak better,” Dave Jarvis says in his closing statement at the Somersworth forum, his head down, eyes glued to the page in front of him. "In time, I will learn more.”

Jarvis has no previous political experience, but felt pushed to run for Congress by what he saw as an ever-worsening national situation. “I saw things getting to a point where I just had to do something,” he says in an interview. “I thought, ‘What is something that I could do that would be courageous and show people I was serious about what I’m saying?’ A run for Congress seemed to be the best and likeliest thing to do.”

Overnight, Jarvis went from a Londonderry telecommunications engineer to a Congressional candidate, and the transition has been strange. “I think my family’s still a little incredulous,” he says. “It’s hard to picture your son or brother running for Congress.” Jarvis has no developed campaign, only himself and his willingness to make appearances when possible and maintain his Web site. “I’ve already had offers from people volunteering to help. The only issue I have is: help with what? I’m still trying to get comfortable in the situation before I turn on the juice.” He hopes to bring a sense of hopeful determination to Congress, which he feels has coasted along, indifferent to the country’s direction. “You just have to point to the news,” he says. “If people understand how serious things are in the world, they understand that one more person running for Congress is a good thing.” He is particularly concerned with our growing deficit, our national and economic security, and the situation in the Middle East.

“In time you will see there’s more to me than what you’ve seen,” Jarvis concludes in his closing statement at the candidates’ forum in Somersworth.

At a health care forum held at the Riverside Nursing Home in Dover in June, Jarvis admitted in his opening statement to not having a thorough understanding of health care, but that he’d spent the previous day at the Londonderry Public Library reading up on the subject. Jarvis views his whole campaign as a learning process, and says that process would continue if he’s elected to Congress. “I’ve learned a lot,” he said. “I’ve learned that nobody should be afraid to jump into the discussion. Nobody’s going to look down on you, and, if they do, that’s their problem. (If elected to Congress) I know I’ll do my best, and I’ll be honest. That’s the only thing I can really promise to people.”

“You have to be flexible,” says Gary Dodds of his campaign schedule. “My schedule depends on what’s happening.” He says that, after our interview, he’s going to the Pease International Tradeport to welcome home troops returning from Afghanistan. Earlier in his campaign, he began a walking tour of the whole district. As a relative unknown, he thought it was the best way to get his name out to the voters. Following his car crash in April and the frostbite damage to his feet, he has been unable to continue this walking campaign. He has campaign offices in Portsmouth and Manchester, and Dodds is making appearances wherever he can, at forums and public events like the Dover Night Out on July 27.

“You go to those types of events,” he says of the Dover Night Out, “mingle with the crowd, talk with some of the vendors. Those are opportunities that are few and far between.”

Dodds—a resident of Rye and former co-owner of Accent Home & Garden and Accent on Lifestyle magazines (he and his wife Cindy Dodds sold the magazines at the beginning of July)—knows the issues and he knows the figures, and given the chance, he will delve into them all, in detail and at length.

“There are currently 67 lobbyists for every Congressman,” he says. “I’d like to get rid of at least a third of them. That will make Congress healthier.” There are other numbers he rattles off during our half-hour interview, punctuated by the flattened thumb point perfected by Bill Clinton: $200 billion the government could save with a single-payer health care system. $12.7 billion the Bush administration has cut from the college loans programs. $42 billion spent in earmark legislation. $5 billion Jeb Bradley voted to loan to China for their nuclear program. $437 billion spent on the war in Iraq so far. $250 million spent on that war each day. It’s an impressive and convincing list of figures.

Dodds distinctly remembers his hard childhood, growing up in Atlantic Heights in Portsmouth, getting by on his mother’s Dunkin’ Donuts paycheck and government assistance. It frames his view of the world, and leaves him frustrated with Bradley and the current administration.

“I don’t believe they have a voice in Washington for the working and middle classes,” he says. “The issues they’re concerned with are the same issues I’m concerned with.”

In an age of electronic campaigning, Dodds was the only candidate at the Somersworth forum to remind people of his Web site address (www.doddsforcongress.com). He posts regular “Dodds reports” to the site, letting people know what’s on his mind. These reports, he says, will become weekly now that the primary is a month and a half away. He has a cell phone set aside for media requests. And he nervously fiddles with his PDA during our interview, holding it in his hand, putting it in his lap, putting it on the table, on top of the folder he brought with him, inside the folder, and back into his hand. The constant need to be connected and be available—a fact of life for candidates—can rob a candidate of his or her personal life.

“It’s a long day,” Dodds notes. “But that’s the problem with Congress,” and he starts talking about how he thinks representatives should have to work at least 300 days a year.

In addition to the strain of campaigning, Dodds has been dealing with the fallout of his disappearance and the ensuing search, which cost the state over $18,000. Asked about why people have focused so much on his car crash and the surrounding events, Dodds thinks a moment. “I think it’s a high-profile position I’m running for,” he says. “It was a life-threatening accident for me. At the same time, it is an election year, and there are people with agendas. My message is that I’m thinking and working for everyone....” Then he’s back into the rhythm, and he’s turned the conversation back to his campaign, back to the issues he wants to address. Issues like health care and education and immigration and restoring a sense of community to the country.

For three of these candidates, Sept. 12 will mark a return to normalcy. They’ll be able to get a full night’s sleep, to enjoy meals with their families, to return to regular work schedules. For one, that day will mark the eve of the full campaign, the next step in achieving their dream to climb Capitol Hill next January.

“You are blessed to live in America,” Dodds tells me. “And the brightest days are ahead, not behind.”

Republican underdog
Republicans may not know it, but they have a choice to make for the Sept. 12 primary, too. That’s because Michael Callis, a stoneworker from Conway, is also vying for Jeb Bradley’s seat in the House.

Callis ran for president against George W. Bush in the 2004 election. His presidential campaign came about as a result of his opposition to Bush’s handling of the CIA. In March 2003, Callis began writing letters to area newspapers, voicing his concerns that Bush was “manipulating the intelligence agency.” After the U.S. entered war with Iraq, Callis grew increasingly frustrated.“There was this general feeling that everyone needed to support the President because we were at war,” he says. “It dawned on me that if I was running against him, I had every right to criticize him.”

Callis’s run for the presidency was unsuccessful, but he hopes to bring his concerns to Congress with a win in November. Callis says his focus issues are maintaining the security and efficacy of the U.S. intelligence network; U.S. immigration policy; the crisis in the Middle East; and bringing a bi-partisan approach to Washington.

“It’s like there’s a war going on between the two parties,” he says. “It may be good for getting politicians elected, but it does no good for the country.”

Callis has been focusing his campaign on getting as much media exposure as possible, but he has also attended different speaking events, like a health care forum at the Strafford County Complex in June. He was also interviewed by WMUR, New Hampshire’s ABC affiliate.

Callis has never held public office before, and has not considered running for a position at the state level. “A lot of the issues I deal with are policy issues with government and foreign policy,” he says of his reasons for not trying for a state-level position.

If things don’t go his way in November, Callis says he will take one more shot at national politics.

“I’m only going to run one more time, because three’s my lucky number, and typically politicians in this state run three times before they’re elected.”

For more information, visit http://frankensteinweb.com. Callis says his official campaign Web site, www.callisforcongress.gov, should be operational shortly.

third voice, different choice
Dan Belforti, founder and owner of Belforti Investments in Portsmouth, is running for Congress to expand the political discourse. As a candidate for the Libertarian Party, Belforti hopes to provide voters with a third option in November.

“I’m clearly not a politician,” he says. “I don’t tell people what they want to hear. I’m trying to change the whole paradigm somewhat. What we (the Libertarian Party) are trying to do is get the word out about our research. It’s about science, reason, understanding human nature and building a system around it that benefits all of us.”

Libertarians believe that government works best when it works least. As a candidate for Congress, Belforti’s platform includes a reduction in taxes; reforming national education by giving parents more freedom in choosing where their children will go to school, using a system of vouchers or tax credits to make private school options more affordable; an end to the “war on drugs,” including pardons to nonviolent drug offenders; and a reduction in government regulation of health care, increasing competition and leading to increased quality and reduced costs. Detailed positions are also outlined on numerous other issues.

“Our guiding principle is respect for the individual,” Belforti says of the Libertarian Party. “All of our positions are based on that.”

It is difficult to run as a third party candidate; Belforti must submit to the Secretary of State a petition of 1,500 signatures supporting his candidacy by Aug. 7 in order for his name to appear on the ballot.

“In a way, you can’t blame the Democrats and Republicans for closing out third parties; it’s in their best interest,” Belforti says. “They have made it so difficult for third parties to get involved in the debate. Consequently, the scope of the debate has been narrowed. The first step is to get third parties involved as much as we can so that politicians can’t just take the safe road. A two-party system is not working, obviously. We should have a proportional representation in Congress of minority parties, because we’re really the only ones standing up for principles.”

Belforti sees his candidacy as an extension if his political activism, which includes hosting a weekly radio show, Left, Right and Correct (www.leftrightandcorrect.com) on WSCA (Belforti has suspended his broadcasts for the duration of his candidacy to avoid a possible conflict of interest). He is realistic about his chances at election.

“It’s just another avenue for us (the Libertarian Party) to get the word out, more than necessarily positioning it to win,” he says of his candidacy.